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But Gingrich has never been bothered by the human cost of his right-wing social experimentation. So why start now that the Grand Old Party seems to be longing for a return to the Gilded Age. Attacking the right of workers to organize unions and to speak through those unions in their workplaces and the public sphere assaults the basic underpinnings of the New Deal and the arc of reforms that extended from it into the s and s. Even those who once questioned the wisdom of allowing teachers to organize accepted the right of school janitors, maintenance workers and grounds crews to join unions—often, though not always, the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, which along with the National Education Association and the American Federation of Teachers has been a presence in America’s public schools. Gingrich would attack blue-collar public employees, men and women who support families and whose incomes help to support main streets in small towns and American’s urban neighborhoods. That does, indeed, represent a rolling back of the New Deal. But Gingrich is going the next step. With his on labor laws—and, make no mistake, he is specifiy referring to provisions that protect as as 9 as “truly stupid” and speaking of eliminating them—Gingrich is the underpinnings of the Progressive reform movement that sought to end the worst of the robber barons. Progressive groups such as the National Labor Committee fought in the period from to the s for bans on labor not merely because they wanted to protect from harm in dangerous settings. They wanted to be educated and prepared to participate in a democratic society. The progressive, as expressed by political leaders such as Wisconsin Senator M. La Follette and Nebraska Senator, and by educational reformers such as and social reformers such as Addams, held that should be educated not merely to be workers but to be citizens. Gingrich is reversing the equation. weman hurny ready for Sleaford meet
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